In many familiar European languages, e.g. German or Italian, possessive pronouns agree in φ-features with their head noun. We argue that they are genitive pronouns, endowed with an extra φ-features set. As such, they are part of a range of phenomena including case stacking and linkers uni-fied under the historical-typological label of Suffixaufnahme. We express the formal basis for this unification as the Stacking Generalization (sec-tion 1). We then apply our analysis to the narrower domain of facts in-volving possessive pronouns, specifically in Balkan and Romance lan-guages. We further find that 1/2P pronouns present a richer stacking structure than their 3P counterparts (section 2). We examine this latter fact in the context of a more general phenomenon, whereby the 1/2P vs 3P Person split not only tends to correlate with different case and agreement alignments – but seems to govern the morphological expression of case and agreement itself, in terms of richer vs poorer content (section 3).

Possessive pronouns as oblique DPs: Linkers and affix stacking / M. Rita Manzini. - In: JEZIKOSLOVLJE. - ISSN 1331-7202. - STAMPA. - (2018), pp. 1-33.

Possessive pronouns as oblique DPs: Linkers and affix stacking

M. Rita Manzini
2018

Abstract

In many familiar European languages, e.g. German or Italian, possessive pronouns agree in φ-features with their head noun. We argue that they are genitive pronouns, endowed with an extra φ-features set. As such, they are part of a range of phenomena including case stacking and linkers uni-fied under the historical-typological label of Suffixaufnahme. We express the formal basis for this unification as the Stacking Generalization (sec-tion 1). We then apply our analysis to the narrower domain of facts in-volving possessive pronouns, specifically in Balkan and Romance lan-guages. We further find that 1/2P pronouns present a richer stacking structure than their 3P counterparts (section 2). We examine this latter fact in the context of a more general phenomenon, whereby the 1/2P vs 3P Person split not only tends to correlate with different case and agreement alignments – but seems to govern the morphological expression of case and agreement itself, in terms of richer vs poorer content (section 3).
2018
1
33
M. Rita Manzini
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Utilizza questo identificatore per citare o creare un link a questa risorsa: https://hdl.handle.net/2158/1146065
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